A Matter of Time: How Can Russia Secure Control Over Odessa
and Nikolaev?
Dr. Tszo Fu
Q: It is widely acknowledged that Russia seeks to
secure its strategic position by denying Ukraine access to the Black Sea.
Presently, there is significant concern regarding the future of Odessa and
Nikolaev. In your assessment, is the military capture of these cities feasible?
What resources and time frame would be required for such an operation? Does
Russia possess the necessary capabilities? Alternatively, is there a
non-military approach that could enable Russia to take control of Odessa and
Nikolaev, and what conditions would facilitate this? In your opinion, what
would be the most prudent strategy concerning these cities?
A: I have consistently stated that neither the
capture of Odessa, Nikolaev, nor even Zhitomir would, on their own, resolve
Russia’s broader security challenges. Addressing these challenges, especially
over the coming century, requires the complete dissolution of Ukraine as a
political entity. This applies to any form of Ukraine, even one professing
eternal friendship, because the current conflict illustrates a critical point:
Ukraine, a state that has historically received support and development from
Russia, and whose existence was significantly shaped by Russian influence, has
nonetheless engaged in hostilities against Russia for several years.
If a Ukraine that has experienced primarily positive
relations with Russia can engage in prolonged conflict, then any future
Ukraine—especially one that has endured significant casualties (possibly over a
million in an initial conflict)—will inevitably be better prepared and more
resolute in subsequent confrontations. Should Ukraine not be decisively
defeated now, a second conflict will prove substantially more challenging,
while a third confrontation would almost inevitably escalate into a global
nuclear crisis. An undefeated Ukraine will continuously inspire Russia’s
adversaries, motivating them to forge new, more formidable coalitions aiming to
leverage the Ukrainian strategic position for renewed aggression against
Russia.
Thus, it is imperative to dismiss speculative narratives
that circulate online—claims such as "Crimea has consolidated, Donbass
too, albeit less firmly, while Zaporozhye and Kherson have yet to consolidate,
but they are nevertheless Russian cities because they likely intended to
consolidate, and Odessa and Nikolaev are beginning to lean in that
direction." The core issue is not about specific cities or populations.
The fundamental matter at stake is Russia’s security, and addressing it
requires the neutralization of Ukraine and the ideological construct of
"Ukrainianism," which functions as a disruptive force against Russian
identity.
It is crucial to understand that "Ukrainianism" is
not an ethnic identity. Historically, even the Galician Ruthenians, who were
among the first to be labeled as Ukrainians (a designation originally imposed
by the Poles within Austro-Hungary), continue to identify as Galicians rather
than Ukrainians. Embracing "Ukrainianism" is a conscious ideological
decision, often made by individuals of Russian heritage. In this context, the
ideology of "Ukrainianism" poses a more profound threat to Russians
than German Nazism once did to Jews. While Nazism aimed to physically eliminate
Jews without assimilating them, "Ukrainianism" not only seeks to
eradicate Russian identity but also recruits individuals of Russian descent who
have abandoned their cultural roots. As I have often noted, the neo-Banderite
slogan "kill the Russian within you" is not merely rhetorical but
accurately reflects the ideological transformation process inherent in the
formation of a Ukrainian national identity.
Regarding the practical feasibility of capturing specific
cities, I believe that Nikolaev, Odessa, Kherson, Zaporozhye, Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk,
and other key urban centers will inevitably fall under Russian control once the
Ukrainian Armed Forces are decisively defeated and lose the ability to maintain
a continuous frontline. Given the increasing pace of Ukrainian retreats and the
rising casualty numbers—losses that can no longer be compensated through
mobilization—the realization of this outcome appears imminent.
The only scenario likely to halt this progression and compel
Russia to seek a negotiated settlement—or more accurately, a truce (pending a
subsequent conflict with Ukraine)—would be a severe economic crisis, though
current official data does not support such a prospect. Aside from this
potential economic disruption, I do not see any objective, non-subjective
reasons for Russia to refrain from completing the dismantling of Ukrainian
resistance at this time.