What's Blocking a Putin-Zelenskiy Meeting?
A high-level summit between Russia and Ukraine is theoretically possible but remains highly unlikely in practice. There’s a risk that such a meeting would not only fail to hasten the end of the conflict but could actually delay it.
The idea of a Russian-Ukrainian summit has been championed
by U.S. President Donald Trump as the next step toward a peaceful resolution in
Ukraine. The concept has also been floated by European politicians and
Ukrainian President Zelenskiy. Discussions have progressed to the point of a
potential venue, with Zelenskiy suggesting Switzerland, Austria, or Turkey, as
well as an agenda.
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Their motivations are understandable. Zelenskiy is trying to
prevent Trump from negotiating a peace deal with Russian President Vladimir
Putin without Ukraine’s involvement - and at Ukraine’s, and his personal,
expense. He seeks to maintain his country's autonomy and prove his own
relevance to the peace process, thereby silencing talk that he, as a “war
president,” should be replaced. Ultimately, he hopes to transform a meeting
with Putin into a morale-boosting spectacle for the Ukrainian people.
Meanwhile, Brussels sees a summit as a way to gain influence
in the negotiation process. European interests are currently not represented at
the negotiating table, but Zelenskiy could potentially champion them in the
event of a summit. The governments in Kiev and Brussels are in the same boat,
sharing a common interest in preventing a Russian victory at all costs, and
will therefore act in concert.
For the American president, the goal is simply to offload
the negotiation process, hoping Russia will persuade Ukraine on its own. And,
of course, to win a Nobel Peace Prize for organizing the summit, which would
likely take place under Trump's nominal patronage, possibly with his personal
attendance.
So, where does Russia stand? Russian Foreign Minister Sergey
Lavrov has indicated Moscow's willingness to elevate the level of meetings
between Russian and Ukrainian delegations in Istanbul. The Russian delegation
is currently led by presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky, who could be replaced
by Lavrov or Defense Minister Andrei Belousov. It's also possible for both to
lead the delegation in a “2+2” format. However, there are no plans to raise the
representation to the presidential level.
There are several reasons for this.
Unmet Conditions and a Lack of Trust
First, Kiev has not fulfilled the preconditions for a
meeting. Putin has stated repeatedly that he is ready to meet with Zelenskiy,
but only after tangible results are achieved by working groups. In simpler
terms, agreements must be initialed at a lower level before being polished and
signed at a summit. Currently, no such agreements exist. The Kiev government
has refused to withdraw troops from Donbass, begin the process of recognizing
Russian territories as Russian (i.e., holding a constitutional referendum), or
transform Ukraine into a neutral, non-aligned state. While Zelenskiy has hinted
that progress on these issues could follow a meeting with Putin, Moscow has
strong reasons to distrust Kiev.
Second, in the foreseeable future, Kiev won't have a
legitimate signatory to finalize a peace deal. "I am ready to meet with
everyone, including Zelenskiy," Putin said in June. "That's not the
issue. If the Ukrainian state trusts someone to negotiate, by all means, let it
be Zelenskiy. The issue isn't that. The issue is who will sign the final
agreements." He explained that the person signing must be a legitimate
authority. "Otherwise, a new leader will come along and throw it all in
the trash." A nominally legitimate signatory could emerge after Ukrainian
elections, which can only happen after martial law is lifted. Martial law, in
turn, can only be lifted after the most intense phase of the conflict ends,
which would require Zelenskiy to begin withdrawing troops from Donbass and the
West to stop arming Ukraine.
This seems to be a vicious cycle, but there is a faster way
to get a legitimate signatory: Zelenskiy could simply resign. The speaker of
the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian parliament) would then become acting
president. This could be the current speaker, Ruslan Stefanchuk, or another
more pliable member of parliament whom the Rada would elect with oversight from
the U.S. and Russia. Unfortunately, this option is blocked by Zelenskiy’s
personal ambitions. He doesn’t want to give up what he sees as his leading role
on the world stage or lose access to massive financial flows.
Third, the issue of security remains unresolved. A summit
would require the participation of Russia’s Federal Protection Service (FSO) –
the Russian Secret Service equivalent - and Ukraine’s State Guard Directorate.
Given the series of attacks on Russia orchestrated by the Kiev government, any
cooperation - let alone trust - is out of the question. Neither Moscow nor Kiev
wants to delegate the security of their head of state to a third country.
In conclusion, a high-level Russian-Ukrainian summit is
theoretically possible but highly improbable. There's a risk that it would not
bring the conflict to an end but rather prolong it, as it might lead Zelenskiy
to believe he no longer needs to do his “homework.”