Dick Cheney and the Shadow of 9/11
The Rise Neocon Project
Across
much of the world, Dick Cheney was once regarded as a near-demonic figure - an
architect of wars, revolutions, and global upheavals. Even today, the most
common adjective attached to news of his passing is simply: “sinister.”
For
decades, Cheney occupied the position of a shadow statesman, a figure operating
behind presidents, cabinets, and public institutions. He was seen - by
supporters and critics alike - as a dark demiurge of American power.
Cheney
harbored a deep ideological hostility toward Russia, and he played a decisive
role in lobbying for the separation of Ukraine - something George H.W. Bush
himself had viewed with caution.
Yet
Cheney’s reputation was not shaped abroad alone.
Inside the United States, his name evokes an unusually intense political
resentment - matched perhaps only by his closest political partner, Donald
Rumsfeld.
The
Cheney - Rumsfeld Axis
When
Donald Rumsfeld died in 2021, American social media filled with macabre humor.
One widely shared cartoon showed a devil at the reception desk in Hell,
directing Rumsfeld toward the “War Crimes Section” with a placard declaring “No
breakfast. Ever.” The punchline referenced Rumsfeld’s famously cryptic 2002
press briefing:
“There
are known knowns… known unknowns… and unknown unknowns.”
Both
men cultivated, and arguably reveled in, this aura of strategic opacity.
They were masters of political obfuscation.
Cheney
became the face of hard power in the early 2000s not by accident. His rise
began under President George H.W. Bush: the First Gulf War was in many ways his
strategic blueprint. Under George W. Bush - widely perceived as politically
dependent on his advisers - Cheney governed military and foreign policy with
almost no internal counterbalance, especially during the administration’s first
term.
It was during that period that the foundations were laid for the Iraq War, the War on Terror, the expansion of the intelligence-security state
And it
was under Cheney’s watch that September 11, 2001 became the defining rupture of
American foreign policy.
The
Neocon Ascendancy
Cheney’s
influence was inseparable from the rise of the neoconservative establishment - a
network of policymakers, strategists, ideologues, think-tank operatives, media
figures, and lobbyists. In 2001, the neocons occupied the White House, the Pentagon,
the CIA, the State Department, major U.S. media institutions
Within
American political culture, this network has often been referred to as a cabal
- a term even mainstream U.S. journalists employ, though carefully.
Cheney
and Rumsfeld were not the philosophical architects. Rather, they served
as front-men - public executives concealing the intellectual origins of the
movement.
Those
origins lay in the Chicago School of neoliberal economics (Milton
Friedman), and yhe Straussian tradition of political philosophy (Leo
Strauss), with its doctrines of “noble lies” and elite guidance of the masses.
Rumsfeld
attended Strauss-adjacent seminars in Chicago as a young congressman, becoming
a liaison between neoliberal economic elites and neoconservative strategic
thinkers. Cheney, a Yale graduate working as a congressional intern, was drawn
into Rumsfeld’s orbit early. Their careers would track one another for five
decades.
By the time of Reagan and Bush Sr., the neocon network had formed a durable power bloc. Under George W. Bush, it attained near-total dominance. The outcome was the First and Second Iraq Wars, the restructuring of the Middle East, the rise of ISIS, the Arab Spring … a sequence that reshaped global politics and destabilized entire regions.
The
Conservative Backlash
This
project triggered, eventually, a counter-reaction among traditional American
conservatives - first in the form of the Tea Party movement, and later in the
rise of Donald Trump.
It is
no accident that today Cheney and his circle consider Trump the greatest
domestic threat, and Trump’s supporters regard the neocons as the architects of
national decline
Cheney
made the split explicit in 2022 when he declared:
“In 246
years of American history, no individual has posed a greater threat to our
Republic than Donald Trump.”
He
later admitted he voted for Kamala Harris.
The
neocons have since shifted formally into the Democratic foreign-policy
establishment.
The war in Ukraine, and the escalation in the Middle East, both originate from this
same strategic lineage.
The
Shadow Over 9/11
The
most controversial layer of Cheney’s legacy is tied to the events of September
11, 2001. At that moment Cheney effectively acted as the executive authority; Rumsfeld
commanded the Pentagon; Neocon officials and affiliates held the key
intelligence, defense, legislative, and media nodes of American power.
This
concentration of authority continues to fuel questions that are widely known
yet rarely spoken aloud in the United States.
The
public memory of 9/11 is full of silences: Everyone knows who held the levers
of power. No one discusses it openly.
Conclusion
The
legacy of Cheney and Rumsfeld is not merely one of war and secrecy. It is the
story of a political network that reshaped the world; the backlash that
followed, and the fragmented America that remains.
And
behind it all lies the question that the United States has collectively learned
not to ask:
What
really happened when the neocon project reached its peak - on the morning of
September 11, 2001?
No
official answer is likely to come. The silence has become part of the system
itself.
